ogaden population in kenyaogaden population in kenya

Kenyan Somalis, however, likewise reinforce notions of being different when calling their neighbours Africans.Footnote86 This can be read as a colonial legacy, the struggle of urbanized Somalis to be treated like Asians, but it can also be interpreted as a racial marker.Footnote87, Lonsdale noted that the slogan for national unity under Kibaki, Kenya: A Working Nation, also divided the population: Since some work is thought to be morally superior to others some Kenyans are more Kenyan than others.Footnote88 According to him the definition of Kenyanness is linked to idioms of connection to land evolving from the long-standing competition between farming and herding, between working and controling the land. This notion laid the basis for rendering all Kenyan Somalis as non-native Africans after independence.Footnote81 In the late 1990s and early 2000s Somali Members of Parliament spoke about a policy of apartheid and of biological nationalism.Footnote82 The only other group having such an in-between status are Nubians,Footnote83 who have to go through a similar vetting process when applying for national identification documents, which includes not only the presentation of numerous documents (such as parents birth certificates), but also the recognition by a chief to indeed belong to the local community.Footnote84, The racial component also plays out in the daily life of Kenyan Somalis. 113. )note: data are in 2017 dollars, 6.11% (2021 est. )note: data represents median age at first birth among women 25-49, 530 deaths/100,000 live births (2020 est. 11. [8] In particular, the ONLF operates in Ogaden areas. One main step in this process was drafting a new constitution.Footnote42 The idea of Kenya as a nation of diversity was, however, not only a political project, but also fostered in popular culture in music (eg. After a series of attacks on Kenyan soil carried out by the militant Somalian movement al-Shabaab, its Kenyan affiliate al-Hijra or actors claiming proximity to these groups, the Kenyan security apparatus reacted with heavy-handed measures, especially targeting ethnic Somalis living in Kenya.Footnote66 Kenyas Operation Linda Nchi (Protect the country) in October 2011, intended to push back al-Shabaab fighters from southern Somalia,Footnote67 was followed by a series of retaliatory attacks by al-Shabaab, often carried out in areas inhabited by ethnic Somalis. Examples are Aden Duale, who became the Majority Leader of the National Assembly, Amina Mohammed Jibril, Cabinet Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and Adan Mohammed, Cabinet Secretary for Industrialization. In these cases, however, the main difference is also created by the context of socialization. UNPO: Ogaden: International Unawareness About Genocidal Campaign In During the Wagalla massacre in 1984, for instance, between 1,000 and 5,000 Somalis were killed by security personnel, demonstrating a continuity of military and state policy towards the north.Footnote23 Yet despite the violence of the Kenyan state in the northeastern region, Lewis could write in the late 1980s The large Somali community in Northern Kenyatends tobe quite firmly integrated into Kenya.Footnote24. In the last decade, the government has slowly become more attentive to this region, for instance by the establishment of a Ministry of Northern Kenya and other Arid Areas in 2008.Footnote35 In addition, in 2009, the LAPSSET (Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport) project was announced, aiming at the creation of a infrastructure network linking the northern regions to central Kenya and therefore ideally becoming a means through which northerners could be drawn into the nation proper.Footnote36, The immigration of Somalian refugees enabled more contacts between Kenyan Somalis and Somalians, yet it also led Kenyan Somalis to realign questions of Kenyanness and belonging. Carrier and Kochore, Navigating Ethnicity, 135. )services: 47.5% (2017 est. 14. The population is predominantly Somali, and there have been attempts to incorporate the area into a Greater Somalia. This makes it more difficult for the vast majority of Somalis not involved in these movements to claim their Kenyanness. She was curious about him and argued that the good thing about him was that he came from the country of her father: from home, from Somalia. 16. . ), household consumption: 79.5% (2017 est. In the multi-ethnic state of Kenya, there are other groups as well who are ambiguous citizens including Asians, Whites, Nubians and Arabs for whom two main dimensions along which Kenyanness is constructed come into the foreground: a racial dimension and a cultural dimension. 65 In 1948 and 1962 enumeration in Northern Province was not done by household because of sparse population and logistical difficulties. M. Otsialo, Kenya-Somalia fence to keep away unwanted elements, says Mandera governor Ali Roba. Daily Nation, 2 December 2016. http://www.nation.co.ke/counties/mandera/Kenya-Somalia-border-fence/1183298-3472166-hyn3f6z/. Even though other communities, such as Maasai, Kalenjin, or Luo likewise spread over national borders, Kenyan Somali Members of Parliament lamented repeatedly that Kenya treats its Somali citizens differently than those other groups.Footnote90 The notion of pastoralism can, however, also serve as a binding element, as the elections 2013 showed. For Somalians, Kenyan Somalis are Somali sijui, Somali who do not know (neither Somali language nor culture), brothers and sisters, but not real Somalis. UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Fact Sheet, Kenya (01-31 December 2017). A prominent figure of the Muslim Association of Nakuru, for instance, spoke about our Somalis as opposed to Somalis when talking about conflicts in the Muslim community (interviewed September 2012). It was created in 1974 [2] and is bordered by the Ogaden in Ethiopia, the North Eastern Province in Kenya, and the Somali regions of Bakool, Bay, Jubbada Dhexe (Middle Juba), and Jubbada Hoose (Lower Juba) further down east. Lochery, Rendering Difference Visible, 624; Anderson, Remembering Wagalla, 662. ), production: 0 metric tons (2020 est. Typically, the concrete emergence of stubborn informalities is handled [] by a range of delegitimizing and criminalizing discourses. The question for Kenyan Somalis is not, therefore, if they belong to Kenya, but how. 57. )expenditures: $24.271 billion (2019 est. There had been warnings that were not taken seriously concerning the attacks on the Westgate Mall (2013), the coastal town Mpeketoni close to Lamu (2014), as well as on the Garissa University College (2015).Footnote69 Moreover, when the Kenyan security apparatus reacted, it did so in an incoherent and chaotic way.Footnote70 Instead of improving coordination between the multiple security agencies, political actors responded in the same manner as before by blaming terrorism on Somali refugees in particular and the Somali inhabitants of Kenya in general, externalizing insecurity by utilizing the image of Somalis as ambiguous citizens, ignoring that many of the attackers were neither Kenyan Somalis nor Somali nationals.Footnote71. )3.09% of GDP (2020 est. Many urbanized Somalis did not see their future in Kenya and moved to Europe in the 1990s and 2000s. Mzee Jamal, an old Somali man in Nakuru, told me: They had no place for Somalis in Kenya. Furthermore, some elements of this meta-image are linked to Somalian refugees the increase in numbers as well as the idea of economic strength, the latter concerning a small, but visible, minority. Following McIntoshs contention that one way to claim Kenyanness is to appeal to a civic nationalism, in which all groups invested in the nation are equally welcome, this article argues based on ethnographic data gathered since 2010 as well as archival sources that many Kenyan Somalis are ready to take this possibility up, if they have the chance to do so. note: data are in current year dollars$20.408 billion (2019 est. )$233.852 billion (2020 est. Ethiopia was deemed the ripest for immediate action. )imports: 822,000 metric tons (2020 est. The Sands of the Ogaden Are Blowing Across East Africa See for instance, Soysal, Limits of Citizenship; Al-Sharmani and Horst, Marginal Actors?. Yuval-Davis, Intersectionality, Citizenship, 563. ), on food: 52.9% of household expenditures (2018 est. ), Kenyan shillings (KES) per US dollar -109.638 (2021 est. Candidates aimed at maximizing the numbers of their own group, either by registering their voters in their area, or by driving others out.Footnote59 Even though the territorialization of ethnicity already started in colonial times, it was strengthened with re-introducing the multi-party system in 1992, and further intensified with devolution.Footnote60 The 47 county governments furthermore control about 30% of national revenue, divided between them in part according to population size, deepening discussions about the census figures of 2009.Footnote61. When adding all categories of Somali in the 1989 census, their number stood at 421,340. While the government aimed at confining Somalian refugees to camps far away from central Kenya, it lifted the emergency regulations governing the North Eastern Province in 1991.Footnote32 This move, which allowed more Kenyan Somalis to take part in the countrys socio-political structures, was not only inspired by constitutional reforms in the 1990s and the introduction of multi-party politics, but probably also out of fear that the conflict in Somalia could spill over into Kenya.Footnote33, The crisis in Somalia and the changes in the Kenyan political framework (in combination with a drought) resulted in a transformation of the economic and political structures in the northeastern territories. 50. www.knbs.or.ke/index.php?Option=com_content&view=article&id=151:ethnic-affiliation&catid=112&Itemid=638 [accessed 17 July 2015]. One of the biggest took place in April 2014 as usalama watch (security watch), when police went to urban neighbourhoods where ethnic Somalis live to arrest foreign nationals and terrorism suspects.Footnote74 The government also used extra-judicial killings and disappearances mainly in the northeastern region, returning to strategies employed under emergency regulations.Footnote75 Thirdly, the border to Somalia was temporarily closed and in 2015 Kenya started to build a wall along it. Almost 40% of Kenyans are under the age of 15 as of 2020 because of sustained high fertility, early marriage and childbearing, and an unmet need for family planning. Not only the Kenyan secular system is therefore creating bonds, but also religious education taking place within the country. The possibilities the new Constitution concedes are slowly finding their ways into laws and thereafter into practice. Ambiguous citizenship, as a concept, not only hints at the changing politics of the Kenyan state concerning its Somali citizens and the manifold ways in which Kenyan Somalis react to it, but it also takes into consideration the various roles Kenyan Somalis play in society. The first and biggest are the inhabitants of the northeastern region of Kenya, bordering Somalia and Ethiopia. Simultaneously, Islam can serve as a means for claiming entitlement for higher positions in Kenyan society, a significant argument in consideration of actors with an overtly Christian commitment standing at the core of Kenyan politics. Which Countries Border Ethiopia? - WorldAtlas Ceuppens and Geschiere argue that, in many African countries, ideas of national citizenship have been pushed aside by notions of autochthony with their implicit exclusion of strangers (allochthons) since the early 1990s.Footnote4 In Kenya, autochthony discourses play indeed a role regarding questions of who can vote where, but not concerning the overall notion of citizenship. )nuclear: 0% of total installed capacity (2020 est. Our background is more or less the same. 51. The changed mode of the presidential election also introduced new competitive elements. ), 26.01 births/1,000 population (2023 est. According to Human Rights Watch in 2008, the Ogaden is the largest Darod clan in Ethiopia's Somali Region, and may account for 40 to 50 percent of the Somali population in Ethiopia. This was the time when economic and political developments in Somalia had begun to look more promising than before.Footnote107 Just a short while before she had told me that there were three groups of Somalis in Nakuru: those from Somalia, those from Kenya, and returnees. 102. Cheeseman et al., Decentralisation in Kenya, 3. In 2013, presidential elections coincided with the new county-level elections, intensifying this feature of Kenya politics. Mohammed, from the Dhadhaab (or Dadaab) camp in Kenya, described to Ogaden Online (OO) 1/12/2012 how he was captured by the Ethiopian military, accused of being a supporter of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and mercilessly tortured. Due to the years of war and negligence by the Ethiopian government, the quality of life in the Ogaden region has deteriorated. These clashes revived the discussion over what it means to be Kenyan, yet who is imagined as belonging to the nation, and to what degree, remains a situational matter. 101. http://kenyaimnotaterrorist.tumblr.com [accessed 21 April 2016]. In the 1970s, Somalia, supported by the United States, invaded Ethiopia, igniting the Ogaden War, which Somalia lost due to timely military intervention from the Soviet Union and its ally Cuba. Why the results of Somali elections are crucial for the region - Aljazeera )industrial: 300 million cubic meters (2020 est. On the massacre see also TJRC, Final Report 2A, 221367, and Sheikh, Blood on the Runway. Abdullahi, who is in his mid-40s, sees himself first and foremost as Kenyan. Targets included police structures, nightclubs and bars, churches, but also buses and bus stations. Accessed March 7, 2018. http://www.afrobarometer.org. )exports: 0 metric tons (2020 est. While the issuance of identity papers is the states main instrument for making citizens, that state has further tools for placing people inside or outside the category of citizens. Although 80% of Kenya is Christian, its Muslim populationwhich accounts for about 9-10% of the populationis largely concentrated on its eastern coast as well as on the border with Somalia. Political competition linked to the re-introduction of multi-party politics as well as tensions between local communities and refugees over environmental degradation, jobs, and access to servicesFootnote34 led to several violent conflicts. The ambiguousness of citizenship for Kenyan Somalis was complicated further in the 1990s, with the increasing number of Somalian refugees in Kenya.Footnote29 While this number officially includes only those registered as refugees, many more Somalians live outside the camps in the northeastern region as well as in Kenyan urban centres.Footnote30 From the early 1990s onwards, anti-refugee sentiments were aimed at Somalians. Precursors of this paper were presented at the Bayreuth Academy of Advanced African Studies in December 2013 and the Somali Studies Conference in Helsinki in 2015. Amina dresses like any other urban (Muslim) girl in Kenya, she typically wears Somali attire (often hiding her Arsenal shirt underneath) and a Kenyan bracelet. Cultural citizenship is also asserted by an investment in building Kenyas future,Footnote98 another way of working the soil.Footnote99 The involvement of Kenyan Somalis in the secession movement of the 1960s, and, today, in terrorist attacks, works in the opposite direction. See Balaton-Chrimes, Counting as Citizen.. They share this cleavage with other Kenyan Muslims, especially coastal Arabs and Swahili. Possession of Kenyan identity documents is, however, a necessity for participation in the legal aspects of citizenship. Ceuppens and Geschiere, Autochthony: Local Or Global.. 35. 86. Lochery, Rendering Difference Visible, 617. . Kenyan Somalis from the northeastern region also explained their Kenyanness with cultural differences to Somalians. Interview with Mzee Jamal, November 2010. Abdullahis parents and siblings identify as Muslim and as Somali in contrast to him. These centers traded with the outside world, including China, India, Indonesia, the Middle East, North Africa, and Persia. Theoretical Notes on Gray Cities: The Coming of Urban Apartheid? Diaspora Somalis Negotiate Their Citizenship, Remembering Wagalla: State Violence in Northern Kenya, 19621991, Counting as Citizens: Recognition of the Nubians in the 2009 Kenyan Census, Feeling the Pinch: Kenya, Al-Shabaab, and East Africas Refugee Crisis, Urban Refugees in Nairobi: Problems of Protection, Mechanisms of Survival, and Possibilities for Integration, Navigating Ethnicity and Electoral Politics in Northern Kenya: The Case of the 2013 Election, Autochthony: Local Or Global? Their perception of religious, economic and political marginalization partly derives from the feeling of lost power, which emerged with colonialism and intensified after independence. This prevalence of extended kin-networks and of living in co-ethnic neighbourhoods is, however, not only true for Kenyan Somalis, but widespread in Kenya (and beyond). )imports: 277 million kWh (2019 est. Many Kenyan Somalis are tired of these improvised solutions and want to be treated as any other Kenyan.Footnote47 Furthermore, as the ID is associated with citizenship, lack of ID means that, in the eyes of the majority, those without do not belong.Footnote48. [1] Among these individuals are a number of ethnically Somali international migrants, around 300,000 of whom inhabit the wider East and South Africa regions. I met only a few Kenyan Somalis who had family networks spanning across the border to Somalia or who had moved for work reasons to Somalia. The Ogaden (Somali: Ogaadeen, Arabic: ) is a Somali clan, and one of the largest Darod subclans. McIntosh, Autochthony and Family, 265. HRW, Death and Disappearances, 16; Lind et al., Killing a Mosquito, 14. )-$5.258 billion (2019 est. Interviews with Amina, 2010, and with Ijaabo, Mombasa, August 2016. Ogaden | Unrepresented United Nations, Inter Governments Organization ), China 27%, India 11%, United Arab Emirates 7%, Japan 4%, Saudi Arabia 3% (2020), refined petroleum, palm oil, broadcasting equipment, packaged medicines, cars (2020), $9.491 billion (31 December 2021 est. Menkaus, Conflict Assessment, 3839. Balaton-Chrimes, Counting as Citizens, 215. Differences in the identification process can also occur over time. ), fresh water lake(s): Lake Victoria (shared with Tanzania and Uganda) - 62,940 sq kmsalt water lake(s): Lake Turkana (shared with Ethiopia) - 6,400 sq km, Atlantic Ocean drainage: (Mediterranean Sea) Nile (3,254,853 sq km), population heavily concentrated in the west along the shore of Lake Victoria; other areas of high density include the capital of Nairobi, and in the southeast along the Indian Ocean coast as shown in this population distribution map, recurring drought; flooding during rainy seasons, volcanism: limited volcanic activity; the Barrier (1,032 m) last erupted in 1921; South Island is the only other historically active volcano, the Kenyan Highlands comprise one of the most successful agricultural production regions in Africa; glaciers are found on Mount Kenya, Africa's second highest peak; unique physiography supports abundant and varied wildlife of scientific and economic value; Lake Victoria, the world's largest tropical lake and the second largest fresh water lake, is shared among three countries: Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda, Kikuyu 17.1%, Luhya 14.3%, Kalenjin 13.4%, Luo 10.7%, Kamba 9.8%, Somali 5.8%, Kisii 5.7%, Mijikenda 5.2%, Meru 4.2%, Maasai 2.5%, Turkana 2.1%,non-Kenyan 1%, other 8.2% (2019 est. In Ogaden, there is no protection from rape and sexual assault of women and girls. )5.4% (2020 est. 23. Although some of these instruments potentially open new spaces for the socio-political involvement of the Somali inhabitants of Kenya, those spaces are constricted by securitization discourses persistent othering of Kenyas Somali communities. 96. I argue that many Kenyan Somalis are ready to take this possibility up, if they have the chance to do so. This was widely celebrated across the Ogadeen population in the Horn of Africa and in the diaspora. Somalis in Kenya - Wikipedia Janet McIntosh argues in her article about white citizens of Kenya, who, similar to Kenyan Somalis, have a conspicuous minority status, that even though the Kenyan government stated that all Kenyans are indigenous,Footnote80 this phrase implicitly only refers to Kenyans of African descent, linking national belonging to race. The Ogaden War 1977-78 In Kenya, Mogadishu merely supported local armed groups to further its irredentist ambitions, but in Ethiopia, it launched a full-scale war. He now lives there with a Kikuyu woman and their young daughter. This figure, however, seems too low. In contrast to the above-mentioned groups, however, their ambiguousness has a more severe impact. Echoes of nationhood in the Silent Room, 24 January 2016. http://www.nation.co.ke/lifestyle/lifestyle/Echoes-of-nationhood-in-the-Silent-Room/1214-3046604-shee9bz/index.html. East Africa is the most populous subregion of Africa, with a population of approximately 455 million people. 56. People can be constructed as others and as not belonging to the nation-states community, even if formally they are entitled to.Footnote6 Following Yuval-Davis, citizenship in this text is situated in the wider context of contemporary politics of belonging which encompass citizenship, identities and the emotions attached to them.Footnote7 These diverging daily experiences of citizenship were especially debated in literature on immigration,Footnote8 but this discussion can also be applied to the context of Kenya. Their presence also transformed the urban retail sector, which changed in the 1990s due to Somali traders and the establishment of Somali shopping centres.Footnote38 With this visible presence of Somalis in the economic and political sphere, anti-Somali sentiments have grown stronger, culminating in fears that Somalis are taking over KenyaFootnote39 and that Kenya is colonized by refugees.Footnote40 These fears are not only strong among the Christian population, but also among Muslims, whose communities experienced changed power relations due to the immigration of Somalis to the cities. )proven reserves: 0 metric tons (2019 est. 44. The Portuguese arrived in the 1490s and, using Mombasa as a base, sought to monopolize trade in the Indian Ocean. While this could be interpreted as just another example of the ethnicized Kenyan public, for Kenyan Somalis incidents such as this accentuate their feeling of not belonging to the society. Almost 40% of Kenyans are under the age of 15 as of 2020 because of sustained high fertility, early marriage and childbearing, and an unmet need for family planning. See also Menkhaus, Conflict Assessment, 94 and 110. )hydroelectricity: 32.6% of total installed capacity (2020 est. The main part of the data, consisting of open and structured interviews (such as social network interviews) as well as participant observation, was collected in several periods of extended field research since 2010 mainly in urban Somali neighbourhoods, Somali shopping centres, and Islamic institutions. Government commitment and international technical support spurred Kenyan contraceptive use, decreasing the fertility rate (children per woman) from about 8 in the late 1970s to less than 5 children twenty years later, but it has plateaued at about 3 children as of 2022. . )note: data are in 2017 dollars, 7.52% (2021 est. Somali Region - Wikipedia 92. See Registration of Persons Act (Laws of Kenya), Revised Edition 2015, paragraphs 6, 9 and 14. 10. (Kiswahili), Christian 85.5% (Protestant 33.4%, Catholic 20.6%, Evangelical 20.4%, African Instituted Churches 7%, other Christian 4.1%), Muslim 10.9%, other 1.8%, none 1.6%,don'tknow/no answer0.2% (2019 est.). According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), Somalia ranks as fourth-lowest in gender equality 41 . Population [ edit] According to the 2019 Kenya census, approximately 2,780,502 ethnic Somalis live in Kenya. Counting ethnic affiliation was seen by some commentatorsFootnote49 as reintroducing ethnicity into politics when unity should be paramount. The successful candidate must secure 25% of votes in more than half of the counties, turning northeastern counties into swing regions. Nevertheless, Kenyas relative stability since its independence in 1963 has attracted hundreds of thousands of refugees escaping violent conflicts in neighboring countries; Kenya was sheltering nearly 280,000 Somali refugees as of 2022. 10.9% vs 4.9% 36.62% lower obesity rate among adults? The Swahili language is widely used as a means of communication in several East African countries. Together, these attacks claimed over 400 lives.Footnote68 The attackers persistently targeted non-Muslims, and claimed that they were reacting to non-Muslim occupation of Muslim territory. Visit the Definitions and Notes page to view a description of each topic. )$9.116 billion (31 December 2019 est. note: data are in current year dollars$11.471 billion (2019 est. While she had never before mentioned Somalia, one day she told me that a friend of the family was stopping by more frequently in the last time and it seemed he just wanted to see her. While she described the first and the third group as being closed, she depicted Kenyan Somalis as open. By closing this message, you are consenting to our use of cookies. Elliott, Planning, Property and Plots, 512. )5.01% (2019 est. Ambiguous citizens: Kenyan Somalis and . 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Hassan mentioned Islam as the main element linking ethnic Somalis from Kenya and Somalia. The Somalis who live in North Eastern Province of Greater Somalia in the present day Kenya are close to three million (3,000,000) in the 2019 Kenya National Census with another 400,000 Somalia refugees in several Kenya refugee camps. Both solutions are characterized by instability and insecurity. PDF II. Ogaden: Ethiopia's Most Contested Territory Even though the High Court nullified parts of the bill, especially those concerned with the freedom of press and a clause limiting the number of refugees in the country to 150,000, most of its sections remain in place.Footnote77 This last step taken by the government indicates that security measures targeting Kenyan Somalis are part of a wider political landscape, encompassing not only the global war on terror,Footnote78 but also changing political structures within Kenya. In Nakuru, I met several families neither registered with the UNHCR nor the Kenyan state. )female: 2.7% (2020 est. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons CC BY license, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. A similar trend could be observed from the total Kenyan panel, in which the national identification over the ethnic one rose from about 40% (2005/2006) to about 54% (2016/2018).